Legislative
Update
February
13, 2021
Rep.
Anne Donahue
There
is often a disconnect between the bills that constituents lobby for, and the
bills that actually come up for a vote. A current bill, H.81, is a good example.
For
a couple of weeks, legislators have received emails from teachers about the
importance of passing this bill. Many stressed this was not a bill that changed
health policy, but was solely a “technical adjustment bill” to give lowest-paid
school support staff a “fair shot” at negotiating health care coverage. I’m
sure some of these constituents felt I gave pretty ambiguous replies: classic “politician
responses” that ducked the question of whether I would support the bill. That
would be a valid criticism. I said I would “keep an eye out for it and if it
does move forward, I will keep your concerns in mind.” That ducked the question.
That’s
because it is rare that a bill passes out of a committee in the same form that
it started. If I said, “of course I’ll vote for it,” it would be disingenuous,
and potentially a promise I could not keep. If a bill is not in my own
committee, it isn’t possible to know the details of both sides of the issue.
There is time to gain understanding of a bill before voting on the House floor,
but there are hundreds of bills and those that are taken up receive hours of
testimony before a committee decides on an action.
In
addition, bills evolve significantly. H. 81 came out of committee with several
sections that were added from a wholly different bill – one that was not at all
about “technical adjustments.” The amendments change the structure of the benefits
from how they were agreed upon just two years ago when statewide bargaining for
teacher and support staff benefits was established. They remove the equity
language that says that the percentage of premiums paid and amount of co-pays
and deductibles “shall be the same for all participating employees.” In other
words, different groups of school employees might now get different levels of
benefits, which was exactly what the current law sought to avoid. I’d be
hard-pressed to support that.
***
Audio-only
Telehealth
My committee has finished its work on the
question of permanently extending access to the coverage that was created
during the pandemic for audio-only phone coverage for health care. All the
parties (providers, insurers and patient advocates) agreed that it has proven
to be of great value for people without internet access. The only dispute was
whether it should continue to be paid for by insurers and patients at the same
cost as other telehealth or in-person care. Lowering reimbursement could mean
providers couldn’t continue to offer the options, and the advantages to
patients who have transportation obstacles or difficulty in getting time off of
work would also disappear.
Our committee decided to maintain the same
rate for a pilot period in order to gather and review a full year’s worth of
data to assess how much it is used, whether it results in increased costs, and
the impact on quality. The part most important to me was working on informed
consent language. Patients must be told that they have a full choice to have an
in-person appointment, and that the audio visit can be charged the same as for
an inpatient visit. These phone visits can only occur if they are appropriate
to the type of care needed. No offering to stich a cut over the phone!
The Senate gets its bite at the apple as
well, so this outcome could change.
***
Health
Equity
My Health Care Committee has begun to take
testimony on H. 210, which would establish an Office for Health Equity at the
Department of Health to address health disparities caused by systemic biases
against people based on race, ethnicity, disability or sexual orientation. There
is considerable data about the impact of these disparities. I had a
sister-in-law who had psychiatric disabilities and died of internal bleeding
after her complaints were dismissed as being “all in her head” – after all, she
was mentally ill and “we know how that is.”
COVID-19 had made the impact of disparities
very public in terms of the rates among Black people, but this is also a
deeply-rooted and longstanding problem. One of the most recent pre-COVID
studies demonstrated an unusual twist to the impact of prejudices. Researchers
were trying to figure out why whites were becoming addicted at such higher
rates to opiods. What they found was that doctors were prescribing opiods less
frequently to Black patients, because of broad perceptions either that Blacks
had higher pain thresholds or they were more likely to abuse painkillers –
neither of them accurate.
We had some tension in our committee on
the first day after one member said he believed there was a problem with racism
among individuals, but he did not think it was built into our systems. He asked
for examples of what “systemic racism” means. The Director of the Office of
Racial Equity was testifying, and she gave some illustrations, adding that “systems”
were simply collections of individuals. Some other committee members chimed in.
In a VT Digger article afterwards, Xusana Davis, the Director, said that while
she disagreed with his comments, she appreciated that he was willing to engage
in the conversation.
I believe she was underscoring where we
need to go in learning from both our own experiences and that of others, and
growing in understanding of exactly what it is that people mean by terms such
as “systemic racism.” We may all end up being more on the same page if we allow
for these conversations instead of moving into defense or attack mode. We’ve
all got blind spots; we’ve all got learning curves. We need these dialogues,
even if at times they get tense.
***
Remote
Voting: A Major Oops
The remote world of legislating is clumsy.
It is not a good way to maintain a healthy process, but it’s what we need to do
for now. However, we’ve just discovered a major glitch, and will need to make
some mid-course corrections.
There are three ways that votes can be
taken on the House floor. Most frequent is a simple voice vote: aye or nay. The
body is making a decision as a whole, so individual voices are not counted. The
written journal simply indicates that the matter passed. If anyone thinks the
voice vote wasn’t clear they can request a “division.” This means the vote is
taken by standing up to be counted as “aye” or “nay.” Finally, there is the
roll call vote: each name is called, and each individual vote is recorded. Only
with a roll call vote can legislators also give an explanation of their vote on
the record. A roll call vote must be requested by at least five legislators.
They tend to be fairly infrequent, and used for contentious bills.
In our remote world, roll calls remain
pretty much the same. Each name is called out over Zoom. Voice votes were
trickier to set up. To go off mute to say aye; re-mute, and then go off mute
for the nays, with a cacophony of voices that would inevitably be more
scattered, appeared likely to be unwieldy. Using those little blue hands we’ve
become so familiar with causes its own problems. They are invisible to the
public, yet visible as individual votes to other legislators, which does not
align as a voice vote equivalent.
Last
year, we developed a tech alternative using an app that allowed a remote yes/no
vote on an iPad which went directly to the House Clerk to record. If your
screen froze, you could send your vote in by email, or use a phone “hotline” to
the Clerk’s desk, or even just ask the Speaker out loud to call your name. The
Clerk gathers these and announces the tally; the temporary remote record
disappears; and the decision of the full body is recorded. There are potential
inaccuracies, but no more so than when someone coughs in the middle of a “live”
voice vote.
Even though the official vote was an aye
or nay recorded for the whole body, the news media began reporting on the “unofficial”
tally announced by the Clerk. Then they started asking for the records from the
app. They wanted to see how individuals voted, even though it was officially only
a voice vote of the full body. But they were told, sorry: the record disappears
as soon as the vote is recorded. And that is what everyone understood when we
agreed last year to this entire system to legislate remotely.
Except, that information was not accurate.
As a member of the Rules Committee, I just received the update that came to the
Speaker. The record for the App remains in cyberspace for 180 days before it
self-deletes. Even though it may be inaccurate and was not intended to make a
record of individual votes, that likely makes it a public record. The probable outcome
is that we’re going to have to shift to the unwieldy, messy process of mute and
un-mute for up to 150 people to speak at close to the same time to record verbal
ayes or nays. Oh, what fun.
***
It is an honor to represent you. Please
contact me (adonahue@leg.state.vt.us) or Ken (kgoslant@leg.state.vt.us) anytime
to share your input, ask questions, or raise concerns. My full archive of
legislative updates can be found at representativeannedonahue.blogspot.com.
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