Saturday, February 25, 2023

Legislative Update, February 25, 2023

 It is hard to believe we’re approaching town meeting week already, which also means only a week beyond that for the deadline for all policy bills to be out of their committees. Thus, during these next few weeks, the proposals being sent from the House to Senate or vice versa will become much clearer, and will fill floor time with debates and votes. Be sure to catch Rep. Goslant or me at town meeting if you want to weigh in on any of the initiatives you’ve heard about. (Or as usual, catch us by email.)

Three of the major and controversial bills are already out of their primary committees: Paid family leave, the so-called “affordable heating” bill, and one set of new gun restrictions (more are being contemplated in the Senate.)

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Paid Family Leave

This bill has been passed by the House General and Housing Committee in an extravagant version, with every aspect exceeding what is offered in the several other states that require it, and thus at a hefty price tag. It now sits in the House Ways and Means Committee, which is in charge of the decisions about coming up with the money to pay for things that we want. So, the bill may change quite a bit. It’s how our process works: the policy committees offer up what they think our state’s policies should be, but if it requires new revenues, Ways and Means weighs in, and if it needs money to be spent, the Appropriations Committee makes the final call.

That’s true for the overall budgeting process as well. My committee – Human Services – will be making its recommendations this coming week on what the state budget should cover in a very broad range of services, from elder care facilities to child abuse investigation to food supports. But it’s like a giant wish list and we know there might not be money available. It’s the unenviable task of the Appropriation Committee to listen to what all the various committees are recommending, and to hone the entire list into a balanced budget. Based on testimony my committee has heard, there is a lot of need out there, and it will not all be able to be met.

So, back to paid family and medical leave.

The current bill would require every employer to assure coverage for 12 weeks at 100% of salary for a very long list of needs. They sound reasonable until reading the breadth of definitions. Examples: family member includes any person with whom the employee has a “significant personal bond;” safety leave includes when a family member has an appointment to follow-up on a stalking concern; serious health condition includes anything that requires “continuing treatment,” “parental leave” includes time to bond with a child taken into foster care. There is also entitlement to two weeks bereavement leave, but without an apparent definition.

The cost would be .55 percent of wages deducted from employees, but that could go up if there wasn’t enough in the fund (as in, too much is taken under all those definitions.) An employer can opt to contribute up to half. It may sound like a good deal at $550 for someone making $100,000, until one remembers that buying it is not an option; it’s a mandate. I do believe that a more limited benefit – fewer weeks, 75% of income replacement and much more narrowly defined definitions -- would be a valid step forward, and I would support that, with a big, “if.”

The legislative majority this year is also pushing for a huge new investment in childcare and a carbon reduction bill that will significantly raise heating costs. I believe in both of those policies as well, but I firmly believe that we cannot take all these on at once. They add up. The economic impact on Vermonters would be too great. Among these, I would place paid family leave third in priority.

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Clean Heat

Last year’s vetoed “clean heat” bill has been renamed the more appealing sounding “affordable heat” bill, based on the premise that it will create affordability decades down the line. In the shorter term, it will cost a lot of money, and the debate is not whether that is true but rather, by how much. The Senate Natural Resources Committee has voted the bill out and it is now in Senate Appropriations before it goes to the full Senate.

What it proposes is having the Public Utility Commission develop an incredibly complex plan that will shift us all away from oil and propane over to electricity (produced, it is hoped, through “green” methods) by forcing fuel dealers to help subsidize the replacement of home heating systems. Of course, until full conversion occurs, those subsidies will need to be paid through higher fuel costs paid by those of us who haven’t converted yet. 

We won’t actually know what the cost might be until after the Commission develops the plan. But the bill also directs them to proceed to implement it. So, the legislature would be blindly handing over a blank check. Last year, I voted against the House version because it included the same blank check. The Senate revised it to have the plan delivered back to the legislature for approval before it could be implemented, and I voted for that version. It will be the same for me this year. I won’t support a version that washes the legislature’s hands of the cost.

A final note: it is often repeated that we have no choice to move forward on this in order to meet our mandatory climate change goal deadlines, otherwise we can be sued. That’s true, except we created that in statute, which means it can be repealed or deadlines can be changed by the legislature. I’m not recommending that we do that callously, but it is important to remember that the “mandate” is self-made. One of the most famous words in legislative language is “notwithstanding.” Regardless of existing current law, we can direct something different to happen. No legislature can bind a future legislature against changing laws. We could likewise “notwithstand” or repeal the Affordable Heat bill after the Public Utility Commission develops the plan, but it would require affirmative intervention by the legislature, just as removing the climate goals mandate would.

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Guns

The House Health Care Committee has voted out a bill on suicide prevention through gun restrictions. It’s under review by the Judiciary Committee this week. I’m glad of the source. I’ve objected in the past when bills have been proposed justified on the basis of suicide prevention without any review by the Health Care Committee (in fact, I’ve made unsuccessful motions on the floor to have such bills reviewed by Health Care.)

That doesn’t mean this bill makes sense. Constitutional rights – including the Second Amendment – are not absolute, but they do require a very high threshold of justification. I have voted for several restrictions over the years (the Extreme Risk Protection Order bill, for example), but most proposals have been based on restrictions that have no demonstrable relationship to the harm they are trying to prevent. I won’t support those.

There are two major parts of this bill. One is a 72-hour waiting period to purchase a gun; the other is a requirement that guns and ammunitions be locked if there is a reasonable chance of a minor or “prohibited person” from gaining access.

The problem with the first is that there has never been an effort to gather actual data that shows how many people have purchased a gun for the purpose of a suicide. Guns are clearly the deadliest form of attempted suicide and as a result, reflect the highest number of suicide deaths. However, it is highly reasonably to suspect that the vast majority of those are by individuals who already owns guns. We are a high ownership state, with a resulting high suicide-by-gun rate. 

When I was in my period of severe clinical depression and contemplated suicide, it was through other methods, because I don’t own a gun. Without such familiarity, I would not have considered purchasing one for that purpose. I know anecdotally of two cases in the past 10 years where there was a such a purchase. But several years ago, I offered to introduce a bill to actually review cases to identify the sources of weapons used, and the idea was rejected. If this link was proven to be significant, I would support a waiting time for first-time gun purchases. (Not purchases by those who already own guns, for what should be obvious reasons.)

The issue is similar for the locked-gun requirement. Where is the Vermont data that there is a problem that needs to be addressed – and I don’t mean anecdotal data or a single tragic event? If this kind of carelessness by gun owners is a serious issue in Vermont, then I would support creating an enforceable standard that requires reasonable care. But I will want to see that evidence before considering restriction of a constitutional right.

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Committee Work

A truly significant threat to life is clear in the 212 Vermonters who died last year as a result of a drug overdose. We tried a lot of interventions, but we need to do more to protect people against the deadly illness of addiction. My committee is working on a multi-prong approach. Much was in a bill that was vetoed last year, but the veto was based on only one part of it.

That part was a proposal for a study of what are called “safe injection” sites, where people can use illegal drugs in the presence of medical personnel in case things go wrong. I voted for last year’s bill because looking into the pros and cons (before any decision) made sense. This year – with no fear of a veto, given the super-majority – my committee is taking testimony on potentially starting a program. I don’t want to prejudge without hearing all the testimony and discussion, including what the parameters might be, but I think I will be very hard-pressed to go there.

Our committee is looking at a bill to have the state develop a proposal for how (and whether) we should remove the “ratable reduction” on support for families with children (the “Reach Up” program.) Currently, we take the calculation of a budget that meets just basic need (about half the estimated “livable budget”), subtract the other cash benefits a family receives, and then say, in effect, “we need to keep our budget stable, so we’re going to automatically reduce the remaining amount by half.” A parent with three children is estimated to need $1,309 a month but gets $976 under the formula.

New Hampshire has eliminated a similar reduction and found it added no costs, because people got off supports more rapidly when they had adequate support to regain stability. I think we need to understand impacts of decisions we make. I support this study. Whether it is affordable to do anything about the recommendations will be the question to be addressed next year.

My “right to repair” bill has been receiving some media attention, and hopefully that will encourage the committees of jurisdiction to take them up (one is broad-based, the other sets agriculture equipment as a first priority.) Manufacturers, more and more, are making it impossible for you to do repairs on things you buy and own, by requiring specialized tools to access parts, sole-sourcing parts, etc. It creates a monopoly for dealers for all repairs.

I came to understand this issue thanks to a high school entrepreneur in Berlin, Jesse Batdorff, who was frustrated in efforts to use his skills in electronics. I teamed up with a Democratic legislator who has been working on the issue for a while, so the bills are bipartisan.

Watch for a potential WCAX piece with Jesse in the coming week or so!

My committee’s final budget recommendations will likely include creation of an advisory stakeholder group to work with the Department of Families and Children on the planning for new juvenile lock-up facilities. As with so many issues, we don’t have the time for deep analysis, nor should we micromanage how the administration does its job.

In this case, we think they need more guidance than just from inside the Department, so this is a way to balance that need. As I referenced in my last update, DCF want a deferral from moving older teens into its jurisdiction until it finishes all the facility planning. That’s thinking backwards, and a reason for concern over turning decisions over without any outside eyes.

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Please contact Ken or me anytime; adonahue@leg.state.vt.us or kgoslant@leg.state.vt.us. All of my updates are accessible at representativeannedonahue.blogspot.com.





Saturday, February 11, 2023

Legislative Update, February 11, 2023

 This is the time of the session when legislators are spending most of the time in committee, delving deeply into bills that are expected to move this year. There is little action on the floor because bills have not been voted out of committees yet. It’s a slow time for the news media, which typically only has the bandwidth for headliner items, not complex testimony. That means picking up on juicy-sounding bills, even if they are not being seriously considered.

Legislators have received a massive onslaught of email – more than on virtually any bill I can remember – urging us to vote “no” on H. 113, a bill that would deny tax-exempt status to nonprofit organizations that do political lobbying. They are all cut and paste messages and mostly coming from Chittenden County, though many writers are not identifying their town. (If I haven’t answered a local constituent, my apologies.) Cookie-cutter messages being sent to every legislator rarely get given much weight regardless, but in this case, it’s a bill that isn’t on any committee agenda, and closely aligns with existing federal law.

So be on guard! Ask Rep. Ken Goslant or me if you’ve seen something of concern, and we’ll find out if it is being taken seriously in a committee. If you want to follow where any committee is focusing, the best bet is to scan every Monday on the weekly agenda posting. Go to legislature.vermont.gov, click on “Committees” and go to the far right column. Scroll down and click on “complete weekly schedule.”

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What Is Getting Attention?

Beyond next year’s state budget and the question of taxes to fund new initiatives, the range of current hot topics with big price tags include paid family leave, making universal school lunches permanent, expanding support for childcare, and housing.

More and more, housing and childcare are being tied into the workforce shortage crisis, arguing that more availability would draw more folks to Vermont. Some people with job offers are turning them down because they can’t find housing; some of the folks temporarily sheltered in hotels are stuck because they can’t find housing. I support the ongoing investments there, and the recognition that part of the problem that needs to be addressed are state and local construction barriers. If we want more people to fill empty jobs (and to contribute to our economy) we need to be more welcoming of all types of housing in our communities.

I’m less sure about how much of a role government should have in childcare. That bill will be in my committee over the next several weeks, and I’ll be paying close attention to the testimony. The component that is stirring the most controversy right now is the argument for and against folding 4-year-olds into the school system instead of maintaining the current public-private system.

Last year, I understood and supported the rationale for expanding free school lunches to every child, but it was paid with one-time money and the talk was of continuing it in the future with an increase in the sales tax. “One-time” becomes momentum to keep it going, and using the regressive sales tax would mean – in simplistic terms – taxing the poor to feed the wealthy. It was a tough call for me, but I voted against it. I’m glad to see a broader look this year. It would make more sense if absorbed as part of the cost of educating our children, by including it in school budgets.

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Focused Issues

Some of the issues getting committee attention include increasing consumer protection for data privacy, legalizing sports betting, creating a mechanism via miles travelled to have e-cars contribute to road maintenance taxes (since they don’t pay in to the gas tax), responses to our high suicide rates, the crisis with kids’ mental health, and assaults of health care workers.

I went to a presentation and emergency room tour at Central Vermont Medical Center last week to hear about workforce and financial stresses along with assaults. Generally, under Vermont law, if there isn’t an arrest warrant and it’s not a felony, a person can only receive a citation rather than be taken into custody. Our society is getting more short-tempered and aggressive and that’s carrying over into emergency rooms. But if a nurse is assaulted, the police can only cite the person, not remove them from the scene. That doesn’t make a lot of sense. I support expanding health facilities to the situations where the police can remove someone. CVMC was clear that no one would be removed if they remained actively needing treatment – but they would then be under police custody until able to be discharged.

Another high-profile issue is a plan by the administration to change state employee retiree health benefits from the standard Medicare supplemental coverage to a Medicare Advantage plan. The assertion is that nothing will change in the benefits but it will save money for both retiree premiums and the state (meaning, taxpayers.) I’ve just gone through the complicated transition to Medicare and know a lot of detail about how each works.

But the bottom line here is that existing law says the retiree plan must remain the same as the negotiated plan for current employees. I strongly agree that if there is going to be a change, it’s the administration’s job to sell the beneficiaries on why it is better. Our retirees are currently not the least bit convinced. A deal is a deal. Follow the law: get buy-in or drop the idea.

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In My Committee

The Human Services Committee is working on a broad rewrite of our old laws on protection of adults who are vulnerable to abuse based on age or disability. It’s a complicated bill and though we’re mostly finished with testimony, it will take at least a week of “mark-up,” the process of going through the bill to make revisions. We will also be starting on a bill to add measures to the arsenal of tools for fighting the drug epidemic.

We divided into teams to review different sections of the proposed budget relevant to our committee’s jurisdiction for offering recommendations to the Appropriations Committee. I’m working on the proposed for an assortment of new facilities for juveniles charged with crimes who are under the custody of the Department of Children and Families, not Corrections.

We closed and demolished the up-to-30-beds Woodside facility several years ago. It was serving fewer than five or six kids and was under court oversight for abuses. Now the state’s decided we do need some locked capacity for youth who present an active danger or who need intensive residential treatment; it’s suggesting at least three smaller new programs. The most immediate would be a short-term lock-up (called a stabilization program) for up to eight kids, but the need is perceived as too urgent to wait the four to six years (???) it takes to build a new state facility.

Thus, the current proposal is for a temporary facility constructed with ten modular units on the grounds of the Northwestern Correctional Center; price tag, around $4 million. We want to ensure there is input from families and other experts for its design. This will be a multi-committee subject since the Institutions Committee oversees state capital funds and the Judiciary Committee addresses legal issues.

It all ties into the “raise-the-age” initiative of the past several years that recognizes the science of brain development of 18-to-20-year-olds in terms of the ability to make adult decisions. I could say a lot about my views on the pros-and-cons of handling young adults in Family Court rather than Criminal Court, but it would be far too detailed for this space. I’ll leave it at saying there are definitely both pros and cons.

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My Work

I made an unsuccessful attempt to have the legislature commit to closer evaluation of the planning underway for the state to pay to develop a children’s inpatient psychiatric unit at Southwestern Vermont Medical Center. Kids’ needs are urgent, but is Bennington the right place when the only other place in Vermont is currently in Brattleboro? And is this the best target for spending big dollars, versus in urgent care and community support? Why would this be state money, anyway? If a new surgery suite was needed, a hospital would be the one to pay for it.

I think if these beds are needed, they belong attached to our only Children’s Hospital, at UVMMC in Burlington. But UVMMC, which has been saying it has no money for new construction and is under huge financial stress, has just announced plans to construct a new surgery center. It reflects a sad reality of our totally mucked-up health care financing system and the failure to achieve parity in treatment of mental health. Inpatient psychiatry is under-reimbursed and loses money. Surgery is highly reimbursed and stabilizes a hospital’s revenue. Hospitals must opt for financial stability over identifying the highest community need. So, it’s the state budget that must build psychiatric beds.

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Protecting Health Providers

The one significant bill on the House floor this past week addressed protecting health providers from being prosecuted or sued from out of state for providing services that are legal in Vermont. It focused on reproductive services such as abortion and gender treatment or surgery.

Vermont is one of only two states in the country that does not cover the flip side of this issue: protection against discrimination for providers who do not want to participate for reasons of conscience. Bills have been introduced but not taken up. I introduced an amendment to add conscience protection to the out-of-state interference protection. It was ruled not germane, so I voted against the bill in protest (knowing the reasonable underlying bill would pass easily, which it did, 130-13.)

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Please contact Ken or me anytime; adonahue@leg.state.vt.us or kgoslant@leg.state.vt.us